First Draft. Text of the paper delivered at the conference on Scientific and Technological Textbooks in the European Periphery, 3rd STEP meeting, Greece, Aegina, June, 2-9, 2002.

Textbooks as means of scientific communication:

The Hungarian case

Gabor Pallo

Institute for Philosophical Research,

Hungarian Academy of Sciences


[Illustrations]


Textbooks could easily be considered the most effective carriers of knowledge born in the center and spread by diffusion to the periphery. Besides traveling people, in modern times textbooks certainly provide an important tool in transferring knowledge. Some of them were written in the center and were also used on the peripheries either in their own languages or in translations. Carl Remigius Fresenius wrote a good example of widely circulated textbooks in Germany in the nineteenth century. This analytical chemistry textbook was translated into many European languages including Hungarian.(1) Authors living and working in the peripheries published another type of textbooks.

The subject of this paper is related to this second type. The general question is why local experts or professors took the effort to write books for their students instead of relying on books proved successful and useful in the center. One reason could be that the writer worked out a particular system on how the subject could best be presented, better than by the books used in the center. In this case, the system of this textbook may also become popular in the center. The most notable example of this type, is probably Mendeelev's inorganic chemistry textbook that he produced in Saint Petersburg, hardly a central place in the 1860s.(2) Another reason could be that the author working in the periphery aims at presenting the results of his own investigations in full context amounting to a whole book. This goal of course justifies that he writes a book but it is questionable whether this should be considered a textbook or a scientific publication: a monograph. While scientific research with all the tools of diffusing its results is a lively, diverse activity, teaching tends to simplify and canonize its results for didactic reasons. Therefore, textbooks may convey a more self-assured and more dogmatic picture about science and scientific knowledge than researchers experience it.

Assuming the investigation of the first textbook written in Hungarian provides some clues to the motifs why someone working in the periphery writes a textbook instead of translating one, I will analyze one textbook written in the seventeenth century. According to the Hungarian tradition, this is the first textbook published in 1655 (though the date printed on the book is 1653), surprisingly, not in Hungary but in Utrecht, the Netherlands.

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This fact suggests that the author's biography can be considered an important component of his oeuvre. He was Apáczai Csere János; Apáczai denotes the village in Transylvania where he was born in 1625, Csere is his family name and János is the first name.(3)

He was born in a poor noble family and showed an unusual talent at school in Kolozsvár, the largest city in Transylvania, now called Cluj in Romanian. Apáczai continued his studies in the college of Gyulafehérvár, now Alba Iulia. Then, with the grant of the reformer protestant church, Apáczai spent five years in Holland between 1648 and 1653.

Earlier, in the sixteenth century the route of studies of the Hungarian protestant students led mostly to Germany, namely, to Wittenberg to study with Melanchton and his circle. In the seventeenth century, however, counter-reformation took them to the universities in the Netherlands. Apáczai first spent some time in Franeker, North Holland, where, with other Hungarian students, he turned with interest to puritanism imported to the Netherlands from Britain by William Ames, or Amesius, who later became a spiritual father of Harvard University in the USA. Ames was a professor at the newly established university in Franeker for about ten years till his death in 1633,(4) many years before Apáczai's visit, but his influence was still alive and he also had a Hungarian student, Tolnai Dali János.(5) Apáczai felt the political excitement in Holland caused by the execution of King Charles I. in Britain in 1649. He became part of a little circle of Hungarian puritans, who spread puritanism in Hungary and made Hungary the only country besides England where puritanism had a significant impact.(6)

Then Apáczai moved to Leyden, later Utrecht where he spent the longest period of his trip. Here he eagerly absorbed modern thinking, in particular, the philosophy of Descartes, who was still in the Netherlands. A doctor, Henri Regius, Le Roy, Descartes's friend enthusiastically popularized Cartesianism, though prohibited, in Utrecht. Apáczai established contact with Regius to deepen his knowledge about Regius' and Descartes thinking. Yet, he made closer relationship with Gisbert Voetius, the most fervent opponent of Cartesianism, the leading figure of protestant orthodoxy. Besides his kindness and friendliness, Voetius impressed the Hungarian students by his committed puritanism and wide range knowledge.(7) Apáczai had important discussions with him in particular about the possible improvement of the school system in Hungary.(8)

Supposedly, it was Voetius who introduced Apáczai to a well to do Dutch family, the van der Maets, whose daughter Apáczai married in 1651. He was probably considered a promising young man with a bright future in a Holland university. Indeed, Apáczai became the first doctor of the newly established university in Harderwijk and he had a good chance to be appointed to a professor at the Utrecht University.(9) He showed special talent in linguistics, particularly, in oriental languages such as Hebrew and Arabic. Meanwhile, he began to work on his book.

Yet, when his bishop invited him to return home in 1652, he complied. Next summer with his wife Apáczai arrived back to Gyulafehérvár.

He received position in the college in Gyulafehérvár, to teach in the class of poetics that was a low-level subject as compared with Apáczai's thorough knowledge. Having in mind the pattern of the center's scientific system and level, he expressed a critical attitude toward the academic system in Transylvania. In addition, he openly expressed his puritan conviction prohibited by the laws. His intellectual excellence combined with a strong, uncompromising character made him very popular among his students and unpopular among his colleagues. He accounted his views in some shorter writings published in the 1650s.(10)

Gyulafehérvár was quite an interesting place then. The head of the school was Apáczai's former professor, the German Johann Heinrich Bisterfeld, a graduate and later professor of philosophy in Herborn. His successor happened to become a Frenchman, Isac Basire who had previously been the priest of the executed King Charles in England, proving that the periphery was not so insulated then. As Basire hated the puritans, he opposed Apáczai, who soon lost his job. Basire forced Apáczai to enter a dispute against him in the presence of the ruling prince, II. Rákóczy György. As expected, Apáczai argued in defense of puritanism that resulted in his dismissal from his position. The wife of the ruling prince offered help to the unemployed Apáczay by inviting him to another school, Sárospatak, in Eastern Hungary, to be a successor of the famous Czech professor, Comenius.

However, before moving to Sárospatak, Apáczai was appointed to head of the Kolozsvár School in 1656. Here he soon could increase the intellectual level of the school by teaching most of the subjects himself. Meanwhile, he wrote a draft plan for a whole Hungarian university that has not been realized.(11) Among his other writings, a book on Philosophia Naturalis was found in his manuscripts that have never been published.

Apáczai died in 1659. He was 34 years old. His life story inspired novels and dramas in the coming centuries.(12) Schools and streets are named after him. The poor village boy goes to the center to learn everything that can be learnt. He excels with his gift and hard work. He gains respect and a perspective of a peaceful life. Yet, his love of his nation attracts him back to his backward, poor country. His people, however, instead of being grateful to his sacrifice forced him into humiliating situations. His hard work and humiliations killed this morally and intellectually outstanding person in young age. This story was romantic and nationalist much before nationalism or romanticism was born.
 


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Apáczai's opus magnum, the first textbook written in Hungarian language, was an encyclopedia, "Magyar Encyclopaedia" as he named it. The full title reads something like "Hungarian Encyclopedia: putting all true and useful knowledge in right order and revealing them in Hungarian language."(13) Encyclopedias, a traditional type of textbooks intended to comprise the complete system of learning in a comprehensible form. One of the most respected encyclopedists was Johann Heinrich Alsted, professor of philosophy and theology at Herborn, Germany, who happened to move to Gyulafehérvár in 1629 to increase the number of important scholars there. He remained in Gyulafehérvár till his death in 1638. His Encyclopaedia, published in 1630,(14)

was perhaps the most considerable of the earlier works of that class. For Apáczai it served as a model though both his philosophical views and many points of his textbook fundamentally differed from it.

The first part of the Hungarian Encyclopaedia presents the philosophical basis of all human knowledge. In this, Apáczai translated and summarized Descartes' Principia philosophiae. Some doubts emerged particularly in the nineteenth century whether Descartes' core statements were translated precisely into Hungarian and whether his system could really be learnt from the book, but the philologists could prove that the text was good enough to understand the main points of Cartesianism. Linguistic issues stood in the center of the arguments.(15) Apáczai seemingly wrote his notes and paragraphs first in Latin. Then, he constructed new terms and expressions in Hungarian to express the intellectual content of his text. Many of his constructions have not survived. Therefore, without philological interpretation some parts of his text are difficult to understand for the readers today. Indeed, hardly any foreign expressions can be found in the book. Apáczai constructed Hungarian equivalents even for the most common terms, such as subject, making translation of these expressions to the current language a hard job. In any case, Apáczai used Descartes' philosophy to provide foundation for knowledge and his cogito ergo sum was printed the first time in Hungarian though in a bit clumsy sentence.(16)

The second and third parts of the book teach logic. They use the system of the French Pierre de la Ramée or

Petrus Ramus, in some places relying directly on Ramus' texts, but mostly on those of his student's, Amesius, whom Apáczai admired so much for his puritanism. Apáczai translated essential parts of Amesius' book, Demonstratio logicae verae,(17) which strictly followed Ramus' Dialectics that had close to 250 editions.(18) In the Ramist system of dichotomies, all categories have a counterpart and from one category another pair can be derived, such as cause and result, subject and object, etc. This ramification results in trees of terms. It was debated whether this part was a simple translation or it gave something original points.(19) According to a commentary, unlike Ramus and Amesius, Apáczai did not connect the logic with grammar (gramatica) and rhetoric. He discussed logic as the starting point of knowledge, while he left linguistics to the end of his book, giving a possibility for interpreting logic and dialectic as mere tools of discussion of the scientific content, unlike in the traditional Aristotelian scholastic debates.(20)

The fourth and fifth parts of the Encyclopaedia contain mathematics, arithmetic and geometry, respectively. They mainly rely on Ramus' books, leaving out explanations, problems and examples that could make clear the theorems. Apáczai added a supplement to this chapter on the motion of the bodies. In this point, he presents the Cartesian physics built on the second part of Descartes' Principia.

The sixth part gives Apáczai's cosmology and astronomy based on the texts of Alsted, Descartes and Regius. The historical significance of this part is that in Hungary the heliocentric astronomy appears the first time as a positive statement without arguing its truth. The philologists could not identify the original of this Apáczai sentence. They concluded that this important sentence might belong to the ones that were not translations but expressions of his convictions.(21)

Far the largest part is the seventh that is a philosophia naturalis, consisting paragraphs on subjects that we call today geography, physics, chemistry, biology, physiology, psychology, medicine, zoology, botanic and mineralogy. The descriptions are taken over from Apáczai's usual sources: Alsted, Regius and now from Scribonius. The next part outlines the technological knowledge that is necessary for artisans.

The last three parts, ninth, tenth and eleventh, comprise humanistic knowledge: history, social issues, such as institutions, education, schools, ethics, all built on Descartes. The closing part of the Encyclopaedia is a theology.

The natural history part was far the largest in the book. In the edition I used, this part amounted to 125 pages out of 350 pages, giving 35% to one chapter out of eleven chapters, and a long preface. The natural history part consists of 47 points, following the logic of the Aristotelian four elements, which, as an analyst of the book remarked, contradicted to the Cartesian principles.(22) The first three points are about the Earth, its size, surface etc. The next two parts describe the features of water, including its forms such as sees, rivers, and lakes. These are followed by the knowledge about the air and fire, sometimes combined with accounts of strange animals. Apáczai inserted points in the text about colors, sounds, and the work of sensory organs and about meteors. Thirty points speak about living creatures, the work of their organs, their health, feeding and sicknesses. Then, the Encyclopedia gave descriptions of the known animals and plants. Finally, it returned to the inorganic world, when teaching about minerals and precious stones, closing this part with a short point on magnetism.
 


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Returning to the main question of this paper, namely to the motif and significance of the textbook published in the periphery in a peripheral language, a brief comparison with another first textbook may help. In the history of chemistry, the first chemistry textbook was considered the Lutheran humanist, Andreas Libavius' Alchemy published in 1597,(23) and about 55 years before Apáczay published his Encyclopedia.(24) Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent and Isabelle Stengers pointed out that this book, though used a scholastic framework, organized chemical knowledge in a rational way. The didactic of the book prescribed a classification that presented a problem that could in principle be solved.(25)

Owen Hannaway devoted a book to a refined analysis of Libavius' thinking and in particular to his textbook.(26) According to Hannaway Libavius surpassed the Peripatetic view that man can only read the Book of Nature as God's message. Libavius thought that man has the power to use and exploit Nature. This is why man needs knowledge about Nature and this knowledge can be acquired if it is presented in written words. Libavius described chemistry as an art rather than a metaphysical theory. With his textbook, he could in fact prove that techniques and prescriptions of chemistry could be organized in such a way that it could be taught to the larger public. Consequently, by providing a textbook Libavius made chemistry a scientific discipline and a scholarly subject to be studied and discussed publicly, as Hannaway showed.(27)

A textbook can function as a vehicle of universal knowledge, if it is printed. In her seminal book on printing press, Elisabeth Eisenstein pointed out that print culture had some special features that gave a form to European culture after Guttenberg. Among others, these features include standardization of knowledge that is vital for scientific universalism. They include preservation of the information, its dissemination and a special organization of the subject.(28)

The organization of the subject, the logic of argumentation fundamentally changed when printing age came. The spoken arguments now could be arranged in space on the pages of books. As his biographer, Walter Ong showed printing "proved unexpectedly congenial" to Ramus dialectic that was based on dichotomies.(29) "When printed textbooks were introduced to the classroom," Ong wrote, "it became possible for the schoolmaster or university lecturer to focus the whole pedagogical economy on the spatial arrangements of the pupil."(30) Although printing shops had been working in Hungary since András Hesz established the first in Buda in 1472, Apáczai had his work printed in Utrecht. Because of the lack of drawings, the task was not particularly difficult. Still, he was not very lucky with this decision as the book had many misprints.(31)

Indeed, Ramist dialectic had a large impact on the seventeenth century textbook literature because of its intimate relationship with printing. Through Ramism, and through printing, a new kind of communication technology, textbooks inspired the creation of a new discipline, namely, chemistry. Accordingly, Libavius applied the Ramist principles. He started with definitions, continued with divisions, then with subsequent definitions and divisions proceeding from the general to the special. The elaboration of the text is illustrated by examples. In this way, the subject evolves naturally from one step to the other. The divisions of concepts and procedures ramified into a tree presented in a form of a table.(32)

The event of publishing the first textbook in chemistry resulted in a breakthrough in the field. This took place in the center of Protestantism, as Libavius worked in Germany at the turn of the seventeenth century. Ramism inspired many textbooks in Europe. In Hungary it also had a significant impact. This impact can be shown in the works of Apáczai's two masters: Alsted and Bisterfeld(33), while Apáczai became Ramus' admirer in the Netherlands through studying Amesius. The Encyclopedia organized its material in a Ramist way, though not through dichotomies. Its parts and inside the parts, the points begin with definitions, then continue with special cases touching gradually more concrete and practical issues.
 


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The thirteenth point of his Encyclopaedia exemplifies how Apáczai applied this procedure to a subject now considered chemistry. Relying on Regius, Apáczai divided the things in the world into two categories: natural and artificial things and these two were either solid or fluid. He explained their differences by the physical properties of their constituting particles in a Cartesian spirit. The particles of sour fluids are harder than the particles of oily fluids. In a Paracelsian way, chemistry had three principles: salt, sulphur and mercury, as Apáczai added in a note in Latin: "principal chymicorum sal, sulphur, mercurius."(34) The sour fluid is taken as salts the oily as sulphur and quicksilver as mercury. Salts grow in salty waters when their particles come together and elevate into the surface. Other particles join them when coming up from the deeper layers of the water until they become a square piece of salt. Apáczai also spoke about steams that have three kinds. Those that came from water are vapors, the second type, called smokes consist either from earth or oily fluids, while the third type originating from sour fluids or volatile salt is spirit.

From these, Apáczai did not derive other substances. Rather, he explained other phenomena such as evaporation or even earthquakes. In another point, he explained fire (ignis) by the features of the thinnest particles hiding in the slits of earths, waters, and airs. The fire, which is only bright but not warm, consists of these thin particles, while the fire that is warm but not bright consists also of soft particles coming from earth. In warm and bright fire the particles of earth and air are mixed and they move very fast.

Apáczai applied the Ramist logic as a framework in two senses. Firstly, the Ramist logic was used for organizing the content taken over from the Puritan Amesius. Secondly, as he explained in the Preface, Apáczai considered the text of his book as an outline, to be filled by the students with knowledge supposed to be gathered from other sources. He provided a list of books that he suggested to read for this purpose.(35) In his curriculum the students first learn to read in Hungarian language. Then they study some simpler chapters of the Encyclopaedia. For acquiring deeper knowledge the students must learn foreign languages beginning with Greek, then Latin, Hebrew and finally Arab language.

A principal difference between Libavius and Apáczai can however be shown in their underlying philosophy. Unlike Libavius, Apáczai thought that knowledge needed to understand the Bible. In the Preface, he explained that he learnt from his teachers in Transylvania that in the lack of encyclopedic knowledge the holy Bible could not successfully be explained.(36) Yet, some lines later he spoke in a different spirit: "Disregarding false reasoning and superfluous debates, under the flag of the freedom of truth, I disclosed to my compatriots all things that are useful and that must be known."(37) These lines seem to prove that Apáczai, though he was not a scientist, preferred utilizable knowledge to the analyses of complicated scholastic debates.
 


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Turning back to the main of question of this paper, namely, the motifs of writing a textbook in the peripheries, Apáczai did not keep secret of his goals. He decided to write a textbook while studying in the Netherlands but his motifs were more political than cognitive. In the preface of Encyclopaedia he explained the goals of his writing.

While reading in the libraries in the Netherlands, Apáczai noticed that some books in Caldean, Arabic and other non-Latin and non-Greek languages proved that some people had higher level knowledge and culture than the Europeans had. He supposed that this was because these people were in abundance of great scholars, who wrote, read, taught and studied in their mother tongue. The local culture fed a fertile soil for knowledge and culture that gave important contributions also to universal knowledge and culture. Local cultures seemed richer and more inspiring to Apáczai than the Latin-based European culture. He concluded that it was his duty to write a book in Hungarian by which he hoped to initiate a local culture that would be beneficial both to the local people and universal knowledge.

He discussed his ideas with his professor Voetius, who shared his views and encouraged him to be active in the matters of Hungarian culture.(38) After returning home from the Netherlands, Apáczai suggested setting up an Academia in Transylvania for realizing his goals.(39)
 


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In conclusion, I would say that the first textbook in Hungarian language was an Encyclopedia. Some fields of knowledge occurred in it separately, such as logic, geometry or astronomy, but the disciplinary borders between physics and chemistry and biology and medicine had not been drawn in it. The book was largely a translation and compilation but the way it was edited and the rational approach originating from Descartes gave an individual flavor to it.

It was not meant to canonize any field of knowledge, rather to provide an open file that the student can fill with new knowledge. It was an open ended endeavor, giving space to later efforts.

Nevertheless, the nationalist tendencies seem present both in the motivation of writing the book and in the tragic biography of the author. In the story of the first Hungarian textbook the communication between the center and periphery might be enhanced by the long presence of the author in the center. The personal impressions he gained there contributed both to set the goal of writing a Hungarian textbook and to the content and arrangement of the matter.

Speaking about the after life of Apáczai's Encyclopaedia, some earlier analysts concluded that it had no significant impact because with the defeat of puritanism in Hungary already in the seventeenth century Apáczai's ideas died out. His friend and student, Baron Miklós Bethlen in his Memoirs, a very popular piece of Hungarian literature, gave a warm and vivid description about Apáczai's personality and life that contributed to the survival of his work.(40) In the late eighteenth century it was already considered an old literary and linguistic curiosity. Yet, in the period of the modernization of the Hungarian language, in 1803, a second edition appeared in Gytr, with a changed spelling and some modifications in the text, leaving out politically sensitive parts.(41) By following the route of the Encyclopedia's volumes, the later occurrence of the expressions created by Apáczai and the careers of his students, the historians and philologists in the 1950s proved that both his memories and his ideas were in fact continuously present in the Hungarian cultural history. Gradually, he became a hero of education, patriotism and science.
 


References

1.  C.R. Fresenius, Anleitung zur qualitativen chemischen Analyse, (Braunschweig, 1841). In Hungarian: C. R. Fresenius, Bevezetés a minõleges vegyelemzésbe, vagyis a mûtételek, a kémszerek és az ismertebb testeknek a kémszerek iránt való viseletének tana, (Buda, 1868).

2.  Dimitri Mndeleev, Principles of Chemistry, 2nd edition, (New York: P. F. Collier, 1905).

3.  Many biographical sketches were written about Apáczai in the past centuries. The really detailed and philologically most profound biography was written in the late 1950s. Imre Bán's work all the sources available. Imre Bán, Apáczai Csere János, (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1958).

4. See http://www.thoemmes.com/encyclopedia/ames.htm.

5. See László Bóka, Pál Pándi (eds), "A magyar puritánus mozgalom irodalma", (The literature of the Hungarian puritan movement), In: A magyar irodalom története 1949-ig, (The History of Hungarian Literature till 1949), (Budapest: Bibliotheca, 1957. P. 143-145.

6. Ibid. p. 143.

7. See Bán 1958, p. 118-126.

8. Apáczai, Csere János, "Egy magyar akadémiának lerajzolása,"(The drawing of a Hungarian Academy), In: Apáczai, Csere János, Kis magyar logikácska és egyéb írások, (Little Hungarian Logic and Other Writings), (Bukarest, Kolozsvár: Kritérion Könyvkiadó, 2001) p. 201.

9. Bán, p. 139.

10. The texts amounted to about 150 pages in print as they were published in the little volume mentioned above. See ref. 5.

11. The draft was published in the volume cited in ref. 5. p. 193-210.

12. See e.g. Endre Gyárfás, Apáczai, (Budapest: Gondolat Kiadó, 1978.), Németh László, Történeti Drámák, II. Köt. (Historical Dramas), (Budapest: 1956).

13. Apáczai Csere János, Magyar Encyclopaedia, azaz minden igaz és hasznos bölcsességnek szép rendbe foglalása és magyar nyelven világra bocsátása, Ultrajecti, Ex officina Joannis a Waesberge, MDCLIII. I use two later editions in my work. The critical edition: edited by Lázár, György, Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, I. Logika (logics), 1959., II. Matematika (mathematics), 1961 and a full text: edited by Szigeti József, Bukarest: Kritérion Kiadó, 1977.

14. Johann Heinrich Alsted, Encyclopaedia septem tomis distincta, 1630

15. Bán, p. 181-193.

16. Apáczai was regarded a pioneer of Cartesianism in the history of philosophy in Hungary. See András Mészáros, A filozófia Magyarországon: A kezdetektõl a 19. századig, (Philosophy in Hungary: From the Beginnings to the 19th century), (Pozsony: Kalligram, 2000), p. 40-42.

17. About the comparison between Apáczai's Encyclopaedia and Ames' Demostratio see Bán, 193.

18. See Walter J. Ong, Ramus, Method and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason, (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press, 1983.) p. 5.

19. The harshest criticism appeared in Kálmán Szily, "Apáczai Encyclopaediája mathematikai és fizikai szempontból" (Apáczai's Encyclopaedia from the point of view of mathematics and physics), Természettudományi Közlöny, 21:1889, p. 465-470. Later, in an article Apáczai's scientific views received better appreciation: Raymund Rapaics, "A természettudomány a Nagyszombati egyetemen", (Science in the Nagyszombat University), Természettudományi Közlöny, 67:1935, p. 357-367.

20. József Szigeti's note at the end of Apáczai's Encyclopaedia. In the cited edition, p. 477.

21. Jolán M. Zemplén, A magyarországi fizika története 1711-ig, (History of physics in Hungary till 1711), (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1961) p. 257.

22. See, Jolán M. Zemplén, op. cit. p. 257.

23. Andreas Libavius, Alchemy, (Frankfurt: 1597).

24. William H. Brock, The Fontana History of Chemistry, (London: Fontana Press, 1992.) p. 44.

25. Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent, Isabelle Stengers, A History of Chemistry, (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press,1996.) p. 25-26.

26. Owen Hannaway, The Chemists and the World: The Didactic Origin of Chemistry, (Baltimore, London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975.)

27. Ibid. p. 143.

28. Elisabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communication and Cultural Transformation in Early-Modern Europe, (Cambridge: University of California Press, 1979.) P. 43-126.

29. Walter J. Ong, Ramus, Method and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason, (Cambridge, Mass., London: Harvard University Press, 1983.) p. 97.

30. Ibid. p. 314.

31. Probably the fact that the Encyclopaedia has been printed in Holland caused that it was omitted from a book on the history of textbooks in Hungary. István Mészáros, A Tankönyvkiadás története Magyarországon, (The History of Textbook Publishing in Hungary.) (Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó, 1989.)

32. Hannaway, p. 144.

33. József Hajós, "Apáczai egyik fõ forrása: Ramus", (A Main Source of Apáczai: Ramus), In: József Hajós, Barangolás kolozsvári könyvtárakban, (Bukarest, Kolozsvár: Kritérion Könyvkiadó, 1999.) P. 58-62.

34. Apáczai, p. 220.

35. Apáczai, Encyclopaedia, p. 90.

36. Ibid. p. 75-76.

37. Ibid. p. 82.

38. Ban, p. 123. and Apáczai, Akadémia 201.

39. Apáczai, Akadémia op. cit.

40. Gróf Bethlen Miklós, Önéletrírás (Memoir),(Pest: Szalai László, 1858).

41. The printing shop of this edition was uncertain till Bán showed that it was Streibig's print. Bán, op. cit. p. 552.